Agathon Rwasa

Ce site web publie les atrocités des rebelles FNL du Burundi et mène une campagne pour traduire en justice le dirigeant des FNL, Agathon Rwasa. Nous essayons aussi de mettre à nue la question d'impunité en génerale. This website aims to highlight atrocities by the Burundian FNL rebels, and campaigns to see FNL leader Agathon Rwasa brought to justice. We also aim to highlight the issue of impunity worldwide.

Monday, May 29, 2006

Amnesty calls for release of anti-genocide campaigners

From Amnesty International

Burundi: Prisoners of Conscience/Detention without charge
PUBLIC AI Index: AFR 16/008/2006
UA 149/06 Prisoners of Conscience/Detention without charge 26 May
2006

BURUNDI Thacien Sibomana (m)
Poppon Mudugu (m)

The two men named above were arrested on 21 May as they attempted to hold a monthly meeting at a local centre in the town of Gitega. They have been charged with "threatening state security" and are being held in Gitega Prison. Amnesty international considers the men to be prisoners of conscience, detained solely for the peaceful exercise of their right to freedom of assembly, association and expression.

Thacien Sibomana and Poppon Mudugu are members of "AC Genocide Crimoso", an organization which seeks to avoid any re-occurrence of genocide in Burundi by remembering the victims and engaging in open, frank discussion on the country’s history. The main delegation of the organisation met in the capital Bujumbura on 21 May and a smaller group organised a partner meeting in Gitega where they booked a room for the event at the local "Club des Amis" centre. When delegates arrived at the venue, they were prevented from entering by local police who were waiting outside the building. According to local sources, the provincial authorities had deemed the meeting to be illegal and therefore a threat to state security. "AC Genocide Crimoso" has been granted authorization to hold monthly meetings since 1997. This authorization was granted permanently by the Administrator of Gitega in December 2005.

The meeting was moved to another venue nearby but was interrupted near the end when the Governor of Gitega, the Deputy Commissioner of the Judicial Police and several police officers entered the room. They broke up the meeting and seized the agenda and minutes from Thacien Sibomana. He and Poppon Mudugu were then arrested after the meeting in a nearby bar. They were initially questioned by the Chief Prosecutor of Gitega and subsequently charged with "threatening state security". Poppon Mudugu's wife Aline Ngendankazi was also arrested, though she was later released.


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Saturday, May 27, 2006

Burundian rights group condemns arrest of anti-genocide activists

CONTRE L’EMPRISONNEMENT ILLEGAL DES MILITANTS ANTI-GENOCIDE PAR LE POUVOIR DE BUJUMBURA.

En date du 21 mai 2006, le pouvoir a arrêté injustement M. Popon Mudugu, Madame Aline Ngendankazi et M. Tatien Sibomana, tous membres de l’Association de lutte contre le génocide AC GENOCIDE CIRIMOSO. Ces honnêtes gens restent emprisonnés pour avoir combattu le génocide, devoir qui incombe à tout humain y compris ceux vivant au Burundi dirigé par une organisation génocidaire comme le CNDD-FDD.

Avec cet emprisonnement abusif et arbitraire, le pouvoir du CNDD-FDD génocidaire vient de rappeler encore une fois sa vraie nature : celle d’une organisation qui a non seulement commis le génocide au Burundi et dans la sous-région depuis 1993, mais aussi qui est déterminé à poursuivre les faits et pratiques l’ayant amené au pouvoir à savoir, la violation répétitive du droit national et international. Par cet emprisonnement de paisibles militants anti-génocides, le pouvoir CNDD-FDD a violé les libertés fondamentales des citoyens burundais, tout en enfreignant au prescrit de la Convention internationale pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide, laquelle recommande à tout humain de combattre ce crime des crimes.

Au vu de cette violation flagrante du droit par le CNDD-FDD,

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada exige la libération immédiate et sans condition de tous ces militants anti-génocide.

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada compatit avec M. Popon Mudugu, Madame Aline Ngendankazi et M. Tatien Sibomana ainsi qu’avec leurs familles respectives.

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada réitère son soutien indéfectible à l’AC GENOCIDE CIRIMOSO et aux autres organisations luttant pour la restauration d’un ETAT DE DROIT AU BURUNDI.

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada met toute la communauté internationale devant ses responsabilités quant à sa tolérance récurrente du génocide des tutsis car :

- considérant qu’une enquête de l’ONU (Rapport S/1996/682) a trouve que des actes de génocide ont été commis contre la minorité tutsi du Burundi en octobre 1993 par le FRODEBU, alors au pouvoir, mais que l’ONU n’a jamais mis sur pied un tribunal pour juger les auteurs ;

- considérant qu’une autre enquête de l’ONU (Rapport S/1998/777) a prouvé que le CNDD-FDD fait partie d’une internationale génocidaire opérant dans la sous-région des Grands Lacs est-africains (ensemble avec le FRODEBU, le PALIPEHUTU, les INTERAHAMWE, les Ex-FAR, etc.), mais que la même ONU a préparé et fait accepter l'accession du CNDD-FDD au pouvoir ;

- après le massacre génocidaire de 161 tutsi banyamulenge le 13 aout 2004 à Gatumba, massacre que l’ONU a promis d’enquêter mais qui n’a abouti à aucune inculpation malgré les revendications de ce crime par le groupe génocidaire PALIPEHUTU-FNL ;

- face à ce génocide au compte-goutte que subit la minorité tutsi du Burundi des mains du CNDD-FDD depuis plus de 12 ans ;
A la lumière de la persécution des militants anti-génocides en cours,
l’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada a des raisons légitimes de craindre que le pire ne se produise sans que personne ne s’en soucie. Aussi, lance-t-elle un puissant cri d’alarme à toutes les nations et organisations internationales à agir vite pour éviter à l’humanité la très probable réédition au Burundi du génocide rwandais de 1994 qui s’est déroulé au su des puissances du monde mais qui sont venues verser des larmes inutiles après que l’irréparable eut été commis ;

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada demande spécialement à l’ONU et à l’UA de revenir sur leur reconnaissance de la légitimité du régime de Bujumbura dirigé par le CNDD-FDD, un groupe qui s’est illustré par le génocide des tutsi depuis 1993 et qui s’illustré encore par la violation massive et systématique des droits des survivants de la minorité tutsi et de leurs défenseurs,

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada lance un appel aux organisations de défense des droits humains pour qu’ils identifient et mettent en quarantaine toutes les organisations génocidaires comme le CNDD-FDD, le FRODEBU et le PALIPEHUTU

L’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de l’AC Génocide Canada saisit cette occasion pour signaler aux génocidaires du CNDD-FDD et à leurs allies dans le génocide des tutsi et dans la persécution des défenseurs des droits des minorités, que le jour ou ils répondront de leurs actes ignobles et indéfendables approche

UNIS CONTRE LE GENOCIDE, NOUS VAINCRONS !

Fait à Toronto, le 25 mai 2006.

Pour l’Antenne Régionale de Toronto de
L’AC Génocide Canada

Jean-Claude Katihabwa,
Président a.i.


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Wednesday, May 24, 2006

Arrested for commemorating the dead? Rights groups condemn imprisonment of Tutsi activists over memorial event for 1993 genocide

From Reuters

BUJUMBURA (Reuters) - A Burundian human rights group denounced on Tuesday what it called "continuing human rights violations" by the government after three Tutsi activists were arrested for threatening state security.

The trio, members of the AC Genocide Tutsi association, were detained on Sunday in the central Gitega province, where they had travelled to attend a commemoration ceremony for Tutsis killed in 1993 at the start of the country's civil war.

Local media cited provincial officials as saying they had held an illegal meeting, which threatened public security.

"The impression we have is that the government wants to muzzle, intimidate those who express freely their opinions which the authorities are not happy about," said Jean Marie Vianey Kavumbagu, head of Burundi's biggest human rights group, Iteka.

"We are really concerned by this," he told Reuters, adding that the moves violated Burundi's constitution and international laws. A government spokesman was unavailable for comment.

The arrests come after Burundi's public prosecutor ordered a peace activist detained for criticising how the government handled peace talks with the country's sole remaining rebel group.

Former lawmaker Terence Nahimana was arrested this month by security agents for having links with the Hutu Forces for National Liberation (FNL), whose political wing he left in 1990.

Kavumbagu also cited an incident when around 20 journalists complained of being beaten by police while attending a news conference at the home of an expelled ruling party legislator.

Burundi is finally enjoying peace after 12 years of civil war that pitted rebels from the Hutu majority against a government controlled by the Tutsi minority.

More than 300,000 people died in the central African nation.

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Sunday, May 21, 2006

Free expression under threat in Burundi, says Human Rights Watch

From Human Rights Watch

Burundi: Free Expression Under Threat

Prominent Peace Advocate Imprisoned

The former parliamentarian and activist Térence Nahimana should be released at once, Human Rights Watch said today, adding that his imprisonment raises questions about freedom of expression in Burundi.

Nahimana was jailed after he questioned why the Burundian government had not opened peace negotiations with the National Liberation Forces (FNL), a rebel movement that expressed its readiness to talk more than two months ago.

“Guarantees of free speech are essential so that people can speak their minds on issues of public importance, like war and peace,” said Alison Des Forges, senior Africa adviser at Human Rights Watch. “Arresting someone for questioning government actions sends a message that dissenters shouldn’t dare to speak out.”

In a May 5 letter to Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza, and at a subsequent news conference, Nahimana mooted several explanations for the government’s delay in starting peace talks with the FNL, including that Burundi intended to join Rwanda and Uganda in invading neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The FNL is said to have bases in Congo, and continued conflict with the FNL could serve as a pretext for the Burundian army to cross the border into Congo.

On May 15, after being detained for five days, Nahimana was formally charged with “threatening state security.” The charges are said to be based on legislative provisions that make it a crime to expose Burundi to foreign hostility and that prohibit incitement of the population against the government or incitement to civil war.

There is no evidence that the issues Nahimana raised as public debate have evoked any hostility from a neighboring country or have given rise to any form of public disorder.

“Preserving state security is clearly an important government responsibility,” said Des Forges, “But the facts in this case suggest that Nahimana’s arrest is directed at silencing opposition, not responding to genuine security worries.”

Concerns about the exercise of freedom of expression and the media’s ability to operate freely were raised in an earlier, unrelated, incident on April 17, when journalists reporting on a news conference by a former parliamentarian, Mathias Basabose, were confined at his house for some hours. Several were beaten by police.

Burundi has been a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights since 1990 and is bound under the covenant to guarantee protection for freedom of expression. It is also bound to do so under the African [Banjul] Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights.

Nahimana also suggested that Burundian officials were stalling the peace talks in an effort to delay the establishment of a truth and reconciliation commission, which is to examine alleged violations of international law committed during the conflict. Nahimana said that several government officials expected to be accused of violations before the commission.

Following his statements, Nahimana was summoned twice, on May 9 and 10, for questioning by the National Intelligence Service, known as the Documentation National. Intelligence agents interrogated him about the contents of the letter and his statements in the related news conference.

Initially held incommunicado for 48 hours, Nahimana was later allowed visitors, including access to his lawyer. On May 15 he was formally charged and transferred to the central prison in Bujumbura.

“Unless authorities have evidence to support these charges against Nahimana, they should be dropped,” said Des Forges. “At the very least he should be given immediate pre-trial release so that he can prepare his defense.”

Nahimana is the president of Cercle d’initiative pour une vision commune (CIVIC), a non-governmental organization that works for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and establishment of the rule of law in Burundi. A former member of the FNL, he left the rebel movement in 1990. Since founding CIVIC in 2003, Nahimana has met with FNL leaders to encourage peace negotiations, mostly recently in March 2006 in Dar es Salaam. He informed several members of the government before meeting with the FNL. He claims no political party affiliation.

The new Burundian government was elected in August 2005, following a decade of civil war and a long process of political transition. The new leadership previously belonged to the country's largest rebel group, the CNDD-FDD. The FNL, led by Agathon Rwasa, continues to fight the Burundian military while calling for peace negotiations to begin.


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Saturday, May 06, 2006

"The Police have the authority to beat anyone who does not obey the law" - Burundian government announces bonuses for police who beat up journalists

From http://www.iol.co.za/index.php?set_id=1&click_id=87&art_id=qw1146002041461B216

Bujumbura - Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza will reward the police official who last week ordered the detention and assault of several journalists, the interior minister said on Tuesday.

The reporters had gone to a news conference last week at the home of Matthias Basabose, who was expelled from Nkurunziza's Forces for the Defence of Democracy (FDD) party after making corruption allegations about a senior party member.

Evariste Ndayishimiye said that "police have the authority to beat anyone who does not obey the law" in remarks contradicting the condemnation by Nkurunziza's spokesperson of the journalists' detention and beating.

"The president said that he will reward the police who led the squad which was sent to the home of Matthias Basabose because he fulfilled his duty very well and I agree with him (the president)," Ndayishimiye said in a speech relayed to local radio stations.

"I told journalists that if the police tell you not to go beyond this line and you do so, they have the permission to beat you," he said.

Last Tuesday, a day after police detained about 20 journalists, Nkurunziza's office denounced the act, insisting that the president never ordered the police to carry out the detention and the beatings.

Basabose, who ran Nkurunziza's successful presidential election campaign last year, had wanted to present his side of the story in his dispute with FDD president Hussein Radjabu whom he accused of embezzlement and judicial impropriety.

But shortly after the news conference began, police officers armed with rifles surrounded his home and announced they had received orders to prevent anyone from leaving. - Sapa-AFP

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Burundi in history: "An important piece of real estate" - US State Department memos, May to October 1972

From the archives of the US State Department

Department of State

Memorandum for the President

May 3, 1972


Burundi Political Crisis - The Burundi Government has been under attack from insurgents supported by outside forces who may have entered the country from Tanzania or Zaire and joined with local tribesmen.

President Micombero remains in command of the Government and the army, but his forces have not been able to regain complete control of parts of the Bururi Province in southern Burundi where some fighting continues, hundreds of people reportedly have been killed and large areas devastated.

There are no reports of Americans or Europeans having been harmed in any of the violence. Our Embassy has advised the 125 Americans, mainly missionaries, residing in Burundi to exercise extreme prudence and remain close to their missions since there were rumors of American involvement stemming from missionary contacts with tribesmen.

In response to Micombero's request for international assistance for the refugees, Ambassador Melady has offered foodstuffs from Catholic Relief Service supplies stored in Bujumbura and plans to make additional purchases utilizing disaster relief funds.

Except for the potential danger to American citizens residing in Burundi, no American interests are threatened.

John N. Irwin II


From: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54737.htm

June 26, 1972

MEMORANDUM FOR: HENRY A. KISSINGER

INFORMATION

FROM: MELVIN H. LEVINE
SUBJECT: Burundi: Kennedy Criticizes Administration


...We have been in something of a dilemma over what to do about Burundi. On the one hand, the slaughter is systematic and extensive, probably involving upwards of 100,000 victims. There are strong humanitarian reasons for trying to halt it, as well as the prospect of increasing political criticism -- like Kennedy's -- if we don't act. On the other hand, there's not much we can do realistically. Our leverage in the country is miniscule. We could contemplate a public statement denouncing events, but this would have little or no positive effect in Burundi, except to subject our Embassy to official wrath -- perhaps including closure of the Mission -- and would result in African accusations that we are meddling in their affairs. For these reasons, a public statement would be contrary to our policy of avoiding quixotic moral posturing.


From http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54738.htm

AUGUST 18, 1972

MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER

FROM: SITUATION ROOM
SUBJECT: ADDITIONAL INFORMATION ITEMS


...BURUNDI TRIBAL SLAUGHTER GOES ON: THE EXTERMINATION OF HUTU MALES WITH ANY SEMBLANCE OF AN EDUCATION SEEMS TO BE CONTINUING IN BURUNDI. HOPES THAT UN EFFORTS TO ESTABLISH A HUMANITARIAN PRESENCE IN BURUNDI WOULD INFLUENCE THE TUTSI GOVERNMENT TO STOP. THE REPRESSION HAVE NOT YET MATERIALIZED. AMONG THE AFRICANS, ONLY PRESIDENT MOBUTU HAS SHOWN ANY SORT OF READINESS TO INVOLVE THE ORGANIZATION OF AFRICAN UNITY IN BURUNDI. NOT EVEN NEIGHBORING RWANDA, WHICH HAS A HUTU GOVERNMENT, HAS SOUGHT OAU ACTION TO SAVE BURUNDI'S HUTUS. AS FOR OURSELVES, WE ARE ASSISTING REFUGEE EFFORTS IN ZAIRE, RWANDA AND TANZANIA AS WELL AS CATHOLIC RELIEF SERVICES IN BURUNDI, WHICH REPORTEDLY HAS ACCESS TO ALL THE POPULATION.


From http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54739.htm

September 20, 1972

MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT

INFORMATION

FROM: HENRY A. KISSINGER
SUBJECT: Burundi - population 3.5 million


As had happened often in the past, on April 29 a group of Hutus tried to precipitate a revolt against the ruling Tutsi tribe. The revolt failed but touched off a bloody reprisal that led to possibly over 100,000 Hutu deaths, and to nearly a half-million Hutu widows and orphans.

Tribalism was at the root of the Burundi warfare. The Hutus, who rep-resent 85% of the population, wanted to overthrow the tall Tutsi (Watusis) who make up 15% of the people. The Hutu rebels killed every Tutsi that they ran across during their initial rampage which triggered the Tutsi decision to exterminate all Hutus with any semblance of leadership, i. e., those who could read or write, or those who wore shoes. Sixty thousand Hutus fled the country.

The Burundi tragedy appears to have been a strictly internal, tribal matter. Except for Zaire, which at first assisted the Burundi Government because it believed the invading rebels were connected with former Congolese dissidents, there was no African intervention. In fact, no African leader spoke out publicly against the massacres nor sought to involve the UN or the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

The United States, for humanitarian reasons and due to some Congressional concern (Senators Kennedy and Tunney), tried to interest the Africans in taking the matter to the OAU. Only Mobutu contemplated such action. Leaders such as Selassie, Ahidjo and Nyerere did not want to intervene in Burundi's internal affairs. We also urged the UN to establish a humanitarian presence hoping that this would lead to an end to the repression. Such a presence came too late.

Burundi's former colonial master, Belgium, publicly denounced the Burundi genocide, stopped military aid and slowed down their economic assistance. This had little effect on the Tutsi Government. Other Europeans, particularly the French, maintained a hands-off posture.

There is no evidence that the PRC [People's Republic of China] or USSR have played any role in Burundi, or that they seek to profit from the situation.

The outlook for the future seems bleak. Reconciliation between the Hutus and Tutsis seems impossible, and it is hard to imagine a stable situation before the majority Hutus prevail, as they have in neighboring Rwanda.

Our own interests in Burundi are microscopic (we buy some coffee). We have 150 citizens there, mostly missionaries. There has never been any threat to the safety of Europeans, whose protection the Burundi Government assured to avoid outside intervention...


From http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54740.htm

Date: September 23, 1972
Time: 4:50 pm – 5:10 pm

Location: Camp David Telephone


Participants: Richard Nixon, Henry Kissinger

Nixon: Incidentally, your--I want you to follow through and get that ambassador from Burundi the hell--get his ass back here.

Kissinger: I tried to be--I--Rogers doesn’t want to do it because he says the killing there has potentially stopped now.

Nixon: I want to get him back and get a report on what happened.

Kissinger: Okay.

Nixon: I want to know what the hell happened.

Kissinger: Right.

Nixon: I mean, what, what is the matter--what is the matter with the State Department, Henry? They’ve killed one hundred thousand people. Is--are, are we callous about it? Don’t we care?


From http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54742.htm

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Washington, D.C. 20520

September 24, 1972

MEMORANDUM FOR MR. HENRY A. KISSINGER
THE WHITE HOUSE

Subject: The U.S. Response to the Burundi Tragedy


Between April 29 and the end of July, serious ethnic violence flared in Burundi. The United States during this period, both in Burundi and outside, made strong efforts to awaken African and international concern and to encourage relief to those affected.

What Actually Happened

Elements of the majority Hutu ethnic group plotted to overthrow the minority Tutsi regime. The Hutus struck in various localities on April 29, killing several thousand Tutsis. The Tutsi army with superior firepower quickly mastered the Hutu dissidents. A wave of reprisals followed, resulting in the deaths of more than 100,000 Hutus, and approximately 60,000 Hutu refugees in neighboring Rwanda, Zaire and Tanzania. (Burundi has a population of 3.6 million.)

Some of the killing was spontaneous with Tutsis attacking their Hutu neighbors. A great deal of the killing, however, was done by the government in a calculated manner designed to eliminate present and future Hutu leadership. The Tutsis clearly gave vent to their deepest fears of being eliminated as an ethnic group. Tutsis in Burundi have long been afraid of the kind of Hutu revolt which destroyed the Tutsis of Rwanda in 1959.

One of our major concerns was the safety of 150 U.S. missionaries who chose to stay with their parishoners, most of whom were Hutus. Despite the panic and the frenzy, the Tutsis were able to assure the safety of foreigners so as to minimize any basis for external involvement. In our approach to the crisis we were conscious of past Burundi suspicions against Americans. Two American Ambassadors have been asked to leave the country since independence. We were also conscious of Burundi's closeness to Zaire where we have major interests...


From: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/e5/54745.htm

October 10,1972

MEMORANDUM FOR HENRY KISSINGER

ACTION

FROM: Fernando E. Rondon
SUBJECT: Burundi Policy


As you recommended in your memorandum at Tab 2, the President agreed that relations with Burundi should be minimal but he added: "K - also see the Burundi Ambassador." The purpose of this memorandum is to get those instructions conveyed to State either orally, as we would suggest, or in written form as provided for in Tab 1.

In addition to informing State about our minimal relationship, the Department would be asked to call in the Burundi Ambassador and tell him that as a result of the systematic killings which took place in his country we cannot consider our relations to be normal. This line would anger the Burundi Government but probably not lead to a break in relations or to an ouster of our mission there. Such an ouster would not be in our interest because of our desire (State and CIA feel strongly about this) to monitor potential anti-Zairian activity in Burundi. (As African maps indicate, Burundi is the back door to the traditionally most restive part of Zaire (Congo). If the PRC or USSR wanted to stir up trouble in Eastern Zaire, Burundi would be the ideal basing point for rebels.) Otherwise, our interests in Burundi are minimal...

October 6, 1972

TO: AF - Mr. David D. Newsom

FROM: AF/C - Ambassador Yost
SUBJECT: Developments Affecting US Policy on Burundi


In view of the considerable current interest in the U.S. relationship with Burundi, I would like to make one or two comments for the record. They are made in the light of events since submission of Mr. Eliot's memorandum to Mr. Kissinger, dated September 24, 1972, and are of course purely personal.

1. Recent political developments in Burundi indicate a growth in the strength of the more moderate of the Tutsi factions comprising the cabinet. The Prime Minister can be said to head this faction, although it appears to have the general support if not guidance, of President Micombero. Such national reconciliation as may be possible in the coming months will, I believe, take place more easily under this group than under the leadership of the Simbananiye-Shibura-Rwuri faction. The latter is more radical both on foreign policy matters and on the question of how to deal with the Hutu majority.

2. We have indications that the Belgians are seriously considering terminating their military assistance to Burundi over the next year or two. While multilateral and bilateral economic assistance to Burundi may remain at roughly recent levels, the prospect of losing Belgian military support is likely to have a disproportionate effect on the insecure Tutsi regime. In this atmosphere, any U.S. move vis.a.vis Burundi would be examined closely for its implications for total Western intentions toward that country. The GRB is lonely and will certainly seek alternatives if it thinks the West is pulling out.

3. Chinese interest in economic [text illegible] in Burundi continues. PRC willingness to help fill the potential military gap cannot be ruled out, though a minority elitist government is not the most comfortable bedfellow for the PRC or perhaps -- in the longer term -- the most useful one. In any event, both the PRC and President Mobutu continue today to consider Burundi an important piece of real estate at the vulnerable eastern door to Zaire. If the Zaire rebels were given active support by a Burundi government, including the use of sanctuary and supply lines, the Zaire government would be faced with a substantially more serious dissident problem in the East. [text not declassified]

I therefore believe that it is in the interest of the U.S. to retain the greatest possible flexibility in Burundi, continuing our minimum presence during the current difficult period but leaving us free to make selected gestures toward the GRB if political and intertribal developments within Burundi make this useful and feasible.


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Impunity in Burundi - the murder of Kassy Manlan

From Internet Burundi news

BUJUMBURA, LE 10/02/2005 (BURUNDI NEWS & ABARUNDI.ORG). -Le représentant de l’OMS au Burundi, le Docteur Kassy Manhlan, a été assassiné dans la nuit du 20 au 21 novembre 2001. Pendant plus de trois ans, le déroulement de l'enquête et du procès n'auront été qu'un véritable spectacle de cirque, comme s'il y avait une main invisible qui empêchait qu'on puisse identifier les assassins et les commanditaires de ce crime crapuleux. Ce n'est que jeudi le 27 janvier qu'un avocat du barreau de Bruxelles, Me Bernard MAINGAIN, représentant la partie civile, a formulé des insinuations accusateurs contre l'ancien Chef d'État Burundais, Pierre Buyoya, et son épouse Sophie Buyoya.

Il va de soi que l'ex-couple présidentiel burundais jouit du droit de la présomption d'innocence. Mais que les assassins du Dr Manlan se tiennent bien tranquille, car comme dirait le célèbre enquêteur de la série policière Colombo, "tout finit par se savoir".

L'assassinat du Dr Manlan est bien documenté. Le dossier Manlan intéresse beaucoup de gens, pas seulement la presse, mais aussi le FBI américain qui a chargé deux de ses enquêteurs de haut rang pour mener des investigations. Ils ont sillonné le monde à la recherche des informations et ont fait un rapport à leurs autorités. Nous disposons des informations fiables concernant les rencontres des agents américains avec certains burundais au courant de l’affaire.

L’OMS a fait une enquête très poussée et le rapport serait encore classifié TOP SECRET par le directeur général de l’OMS. Il semble qu’il y aurait des complices au sein de l’OMS, ce qui par ailleurs ne serait pas surprenant. Le Secrétaire Général de l’ONU, M. Koffi ANAN, a eu aussi son rapport. Tous ces rapports sont classés confidentiels; mais certaines fuites indiquent qu’ils accusent nommément l’ancien Président Buyoya d’avoir commandité cet assassinat. Il y aurait aussi des complices au sein de l’OMS.

Par ailleurs, dans une lettre officielle classée URGENT et CONFIDENTIEL, et dont nos rédactions respectives ont obtenu copie, le Représentant Permanent de la République de Côte d’Ivoire à Genève, l’Ambassadeur Claude BEKE DASSYS, a informé son Président (de la République de Côte d’Ivoire) d’une visite qu’il a eu début septembre 2002 d’un informateur Burundais proche du pouvoir, qui lui a révélé l’identité du commanditaire de l’assassinat du Dr Kassi Manlan.

« Cet informateur, qui est l’une de mes relations génévoises et dont pour des raisons évidentes de sécurité je ne saurais communiquer l’identité par la présente […], son identité sera portée à la connaissance de mon gouvernement de vive voix », peut-on lire dans cette lettre adressée en septembre 2002 par le Représentant Permanent de la République de Côté d’Ivoire à Genève, « À l’Attention particulière de Monsieur le Président de la République ».

Les commanditaires et le mobile du crime
Au début, il y avait la malaria qui sévissait à l’intérieur du Burundi. La lutte contre cette épidémie s’était heurtée au manque de moyens financiers. Les burundais mourraient sans que le pouvoir puisse intervenir. Il fallait chercher l’argent à tout prix. L’OMS a alors décidé de financer l’achat des médicaments pour combattre cette malaria qui n’avait jamais sévi avec autant d’ampleur au delà de la crête Congo-Nil.

Dans un appel téléphonique à un correspondant à l’étranger, le Dr Kassy Manlan lui demandait si l’argent destiné à la lutte contre le paludisme avait été viré ou pas, selon son ancienne assistante accusée au départ de son assassinat puis libérée par après. Mais lorsqu’on sait qu’avant sa mort, il enquêtait sur la disparition de ces fonds et en plus ces présumés coupables appartiennent à quatre corps de police dont les renseignements généraux, la gendarmerie, la Police de Sécurité Publique et des vigiles privés, on peut affirmer, émettre des hypothèses sérieuses qu’il s’agit d’un crime d’Etat. Surtout que ces personnalités accusées sont de si haut rang qu’au-dessus d’eux, le seul qui pouvait leur donnait des ordres s’appelle l’ex-président Buyoya.

Sur le dossier Kassy Manlan, contrairement à ce qu’on pensait, l'argent n'a jamais transité à la BRB à Bujumbura. Une source bien informée affirme que le Président de la République d’alors, M. Pierre Buyoya, aurait demandé au gouverneur de la BRB de donner l'ordre de transfert de ces fonds par un compte intermédiaire. Cet ordre, seul le gouverneur de la BRB a le droit de le donner. C’est ainsi que l'OMS aurait demandé le compte pour virer les fonds et le gouverneur de la BRB, Banyiyezako, un proche de Buyoya, a demandé à ce que l'argent transite par un compte de Paris. Il a alors donné le compte d’une société de conseil du nom de KOST International, vraisemblablement dirigée par un ressortissant Togolais. Mais au lieu que l’argent continue au Burundi, il fut détourné pour une autre destination. De ce fait, pas de trace à la BRB.

Signalons aussi que KOST International n’existe plus. Il semble avoir changé de nom pour devenir KOST Consulting. Ce détournement aurait été vite remarqué par l’OMS qui a alors demandé une explication à son représentant sur place, le Dr Kassy Manlan. Manlan amorçât des investigations et de fil en aiguille, ses enquêtes le conduisirent au couple présidentiel, c’est-à-dire Pierre Buyoya et son épouse Sophie. Par des écoutes téléphoniques comme c’est d’usage courant au Burundi, les services de renseignement ont alors appris que Manlan était en train d’écrire un rapport sur ce détournement et l’en auraient alors informé le couple présidentiel qui aurait immédiatement instruit les ordres pour le liquider.

Les assassins et leurs complices
Aussitôt informé, l’ancien Président Buyoya aurait donné aux services de sécurité un ordre verbal d’éliminer le Dr Kassy Manlan. Le coordinateur de cet assassinat était l’Administrateur général adjoint de la documentation nationale, le colonel Ntunzwenayo, alias Mivuba. C’est un homme de confiance de Buyoya. Il a organisé l’assassinat avec certains chefs d’autres corps de police.

Nuni Martin, Nkurunziza Dieudonné alias NGANGURA et Mugenzi Parfait après avoir été contactés par la police, participent comme complices à l’assassinat du Dr Kassy Manlan, non pas directement mais indirectement puisque leur rôle consistait à immobiliser les vigiles au domicile de Kassy Manlan en leur menaçant avec des armes.

Ces trois complices approchés par les services de renseignements étaient d’anciens délinquants qui collaboraient de manière ponctuelle avec les services de police pour des coups de main. Signalons que NUNI et NGANGURA étaient emprisonnés à la prison centrale de MPIMBA. Le premier était condamné à huit ans, l’autre à perpétuité. L’ancien Directeur Adjoint de la prison Athanase BIZINDAVYI aurait facilité leur sorti le jour fatidique.

Comme récompense de leur participation à l’assassinat de Kassy Manlan, il leur avait été promis dix millions de francs burundais (FBU), soit dix mille dollars américains chacun et leur libération. Ils sortiront effectivement de prison quelque temps après la mort de Kassy Manlan. Mais ils apprennent alors que l’agent qui leur servait d’intermédiaire avec la police, plus simplement un autre délinquant qui les avait recruté pour cette mission d’élimination de Kassy Manlan, est tué par la police dans des circonstances non élucidées.

A l’instar de ce nommé Ninja tombé dans un piège lui tendu par la police qui lui proposait de participer à un hold-up nocturne et qui l’avait tué par après alors qu’il était sans armes, Nuni Martin, Ngangura et Parfait au lieu de percevoir les dix million leur promis auparavant se voient proposer le vol à main armé d’un véhicule d’une agence humanitaire en attendant le versement du paiement. Après avoir accompli la mission, ces complices de l’assassinat de Kassi Manlan sont surpris de voir la police récupérer l’objet de la transaction. C’est ainsi qu’ils vont commencer à se méfier de la police. Quand la Radio Publique Africaine débute ses enquêtes, ces complices livreront facilement les informations après une période de soupçon entre ceux et la radio.

Si les témoignages à charge des complices sont accablants, par contre les accusés parlent quant à eux de montage qui serait orchestré par Jean Pierre NYAMOYA et la R.P.A. Par contre, leurs témoins à décharge ne coïncident pas souvent et se contredisent dans la présentation des alibis. Par exemple le garde du corps du présumé assassin de Kassy Manlan, le commandant Aloys BIZIMANA qui l’aurait frappé trois fois à la tête, ne dit pas la même chose avec ses adjoints quant à son emploi du temps.

Le déroulement et la reconstitution du meurtre
Le soir du 20 novembre 2001, le Dr Kassy pensait qu’il rentrait du travail comme les autres soirs. Il ignorait qu’il était filé depuis quelques jours et que ce jour était le jour J, soit le 20 novembre 2001, la fin des filatures. A 22 heures, au moment de la sortie de son bureau, il est filé par trois hommes, tous des anciens militaires. Chez lui, neuf hommes l’attendaient. Il a été maîtrisé et conduit à son travail pour détruire un fichier très important et très… intéressant. C’est ce fichier qui est le mobile de son assassinat.

Après avoir détruit son fichier qui l’avait pris beaucoup de jours à confectionner et documenter, le commando l’a alors conduit chez lui pour y être tué à minuit. Son cadavre a été acheminé à bord d’une camionnette sur les bords du lac Tanganyika, près du cercle nautique, pour être dévoré par les crocodiles. Cependant, le cadavre a été épargné par les crocodiles du lac.

Enlisements de l’enquête, puis rebondissements inattendus

L’avocat de la partie civile, à savoir Madame Gertrude Nyamoya accusée d’avoir assassiné dans un premier temps Kassy Manlan puis libéré par après, a pointé du doigt l’ex-Président Pierre Buyoya pour être le commanditaire du crime. Me Maingain se base, non seulement sur une correspondance d’un diplomate ivoirien adressée au président Laurent Gbagbo mettant en cause le président Buyoya et son épouse mais aussi le détournement des fonds déposés dans des comptes à la Banque de la République du Burundi destinés à combattre la malaria. Cet argent collecté par des ONG occidentales transitait par une société financière appelée Kost International dont les liens avec l’épouse du chef de l’Etat burundais Sophie Buyoya sont clairement établis. La partie civile jette la balle dans le camp du ministère publique pour demander un audit à la B.R.B, l’audit de depuis 1999 à 2001. Ce qui est sûre, l’argent est venu mais a disparu.

L’avocat alors se défend d’accuser le Président Buyoya mais affirme par contre que ce n’est pas un pur hasard si le nom de Buyoya a été cité dans des documents internes des organisations internationales et des correspondances diplomatiques.

La veille de la reprise du procès, l’ancien Président Buyoya est parti aux Etats-Unis pour y résider pendant une période proche d’un an selon les informations recueillies à Bujumbura. Le procureur général de la République promet si c’est nécessaire de l’interroger. La question qui se pose est de savoir si le pouvoir va lâcher l’ancien Président Buyoya pour qu’il soit livré à la justice. Il faut savoir que Buyoya et Ndayizeye ont travaillé ensemble, l’un en tant que Président et l’autre en tant que vice-Président. L’ancien Président a des secrets concernant l’ancien vice-Président, il n’est pas sûr que la solidarité soit rompue. Pourtant, le peuple burundais a besoin de savoir la vérité sur cet assassinat. Les Ivoiriens ont besoin aussi de savoir, sans parler de la communauté internationale qui est à la recherche de cette aide donnée mais qui n’est jamais arrivée chez les bénéficiaires et ayant droit: la population burundaise malade et affamée par ses dirigeants.

Cet aide-mémoire a été préparé conjointement par les sites Internet BURUNDI NEWS et www.abarundi.org. A SUIVRE…

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Monday, May 01, 2006

Justice for the victims of Buta

This week sees the ninth anniversary of the April 30th 1997 Buta massacre, when CNDD-FDD combatants attacked a Catholic seminary in Buta, Bururi province, Burundi. According to survivors, the attackers attempted to separate Hutu students from their Tutsi classmates. When the students refused to be divided along ethnic lines, the killers massacred them all. No-one has yet been brought to justice for the massacre. Under the terms of a 2003 deal between CNDD-FDD and the then government (supported by the United Nations), all former CNDD-FDD combatants currently enjoy immunity from prosecution.

At dawn on 30 April 1997, large numbers of rebels reportedly attacked the small seminary at Buta, breaking into the pupils' dormitories. Some 40 of them are said to have been massacred, while 26 others were wounded. One soldier and a night watchman were also allegedly killed during the incident. According to information which reached the Special Rapporteur, the attackers were armed with knives, machetes, clubs, rifles, machine-guns, mortars and grenades. Several groups of assailants reportedly killed the pupils who refused to divide into ethnic groups. They also allegedly looted the dormitories, stripped the bodies and set fire to the building. The priests who were on the scene are said to have been saved thanks to the intervention of soldiers stationed inside the seminary.

Click here to support the call for a war crimes trial for Aloys Nzabampema and independent investigation into the UN Burundi corruption scandal
click here to email UN Burundi spokesman Penangnini Toure and ask him about the progress of the corruption investigation allegedly under way

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