Agathon Rwasa

Ce site web publie les atrocités des rebelles FNL du Burundi et mène une campagne pour traduire en justice le dirigeant des FNL, Agathon Rwasa. Nous essayons aussi de mettre à nue la question d'impunité en génerale. This website aims to highlight atrocities by the Burundian FNL rebels, and campaigns to see FNL leader Agathon Rwasa brought to justice. We also aim to highlight the issue of impunity worldwide.

Wednesday, August 20, 2008

Gatumba - support the survivor's call for justice!

I'm still reeling from last weekend's meeting to commemorate the 4th anniversary of the Gatumba massacre. It was more brutal and harrowing than I think any of us expected. The organisers showed video footage taken from the scene just a few hours after the attack, and it was by a long stretch the most shocking piece of film I'd ever seen.

More or less unedited, and mercilessly graphic, the film is largely silent except for the sobbing of the dazed survivors, which can be heard constantly in the background. The smoke still rises from the charred bodies and burned-out tents as the cameraman makes his way around the remains of the refugee camp, meticulously documenting the scene. As the film goes on, we see various Burundian dignitaries arriving, trying to look as if they have some kind of control over the situation, while soldiers and UN peacekeepers wander aimlessly around the remains of the camp. But the look on everyone's faces is one of dazed, incredulous horror.

The extremist group Palipehutu-FNL, which claimed responsibility for the attack, continues to assert, in the face of all the evidence, that Gatumba was not in fact a UNHCR refugee camp, but a military base. I think there is something almost Orwellian in the psychology of that claim.

This film - which I didn't even know existed until the moment it was shown to me – answers it more eloquently and comprehensively than words ever could.

Watching the film with us was Janvier Mudagiri, one of the survivors of the Gatumba attack. The Foreign Office had, at the last minute, denied him a visa to travel to the UK from the Netherlands, where he now has permanent residency. I, along with several of the organisers, had spent much of last Thursday trying to persuade them to change their minds - never expecting that they would – before the decision was unexpectedly reversed. Another small testament to the power of campaigning, I suppose, but it seemed like an unnecessary piece of bureaucratic cruelty. We were less lucky with Janvier's fellow survivor, Dorkasi Nankumi, who is now based in Finland, and whose visa refusal we were unable to overturn.

Coming after the film, Janvier's account was almost too much. In chilling detail, he recounted how the attack had unfolded, and reminded us that five of the Gatumba survivors had subsequently died from their injuries in hospital, bringing the final death toll to 165, while many others continued to live with crippling physical injuries.

The circumstances of Saturday's event were made all the more cruel by the fact that the Palipehutu-FNL had, just the day before, renewed their demand for immunity from prosecution and significant political power (without, naturally, the formality of having to be elected) as the price for ending their campaign of war crimes, and crimes against humanity. On Friday, Agence France Presse reported that the group was demanding "one of the two vice-presidencies and 13 out of the government's 26 ministries, including the interior, foreign affairs, defence, finance, planning, justice, agriculture, education, health, trade, labour and energy portfolios".

It's hard to see how acceding to such demands would help to advance peace, democracy or human rights in Burundi. Those who have lost loved ones at the hands of Palipehutu-FNL are particularly hurt that some elements of the international community now appear to be pressurising Burundi's elected (and Hutu-led) government to make just such a concession. It's difficult to think of a clearer illustration of the cycle of impunity in the Great Lakes region of Central Africa – and the extent to which the international community is all too often directly complicit.

Speaking at Saturday's event, Janvier Mudagiri called on the international community to ensure that those who carried out the Gatumba attack are brought to book for what they have done, and that justice is done for the victims of Gatumba.

Both the European Union and the UK government strongly condemned Gatumba at the time, and called for justice. Both also exert significant leverage in the region – and international pressure for human rights improvements has been shown to work in the past. If you would like to support Janvier's call, please write to your MP or MEP about the Gatumba case, and urge them to call on the UK government and European Union to use their leverage to persuade the Burundi government to refer Gatumba to the International Criminal Court.

Take action - write to your MEP
Take action - sign the Gatumba petition

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Friday, May 30, 2008

Groundhog day in Burundi as Rwasa declares an end to his campaign of violence - again



Rwasa (r) promising to stop killing people in 2005



Rwasa (l) promising to stop killing people in 2006


Rwasa (c) promising to stop killing people in 2008

It happened in 2005, it happened again in 2006, and now we're back here for round three: the FNL leader Agathon Rwasa has declared his intention to stop killing people, and affirmed his commitment to peace, democracy etc. while the UN and the international media look on and applaud.

Strangely absent, as usual, from the media coverage of Rwasa's latest rebranding exercise, are the names of his many victims: - Pasteur Jacques Rutekereza, one of the 156 Congolese Tutsis murdered by a coalition of FNL, Mai-Mai and FDLR killers in the August 2004 Gatumba refugee camp massacre. Arthur Kabunda, Charlotte Wilson and Richard Ndereyimana, three of the 21 passengers who were massacred after the Titanic Express bus was ambushed close to Bujumbura in December 2000. The thousands of others killed in other bus ambushes around Bujumbura between 1993 and 2005. And the hundreds - if not thousands - of Hutu residents living under the paranoid tyranny of FNL control in Bujumbura Rurale, who have been tortured and killed on suspicion of disloyalty.

Burundian government promises of justice for the victims of the Titanic Express and Gatumba massacres have so far come to nothing - and there is little to show for all the talk of the Gatumba massacre being referred to the International Criminal Court.

It would be nice to think that the international mediators falling over themselves to take credit for "restoring peace" are right this time, and that giving in to the FNL's demand for a blanket amnesty and government posts (without, of course, the formality of actually having to be elected) are all that it will take to persuade them, at last, to stop killing and torturing people. But history would suggest otherwise, and tragically the UN's wishful thinking on this issue is likely only to embolden Burundi's criminal elite, and lead to yet more killings. War criminals tend not to make great politicians.


Take action - Fax your MP!
Take action - sign the Gatumba petition


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Sunday, May 18, 2008

FNL demand immunity from prosecution and government posts - again

The BBC is reporting that some members of the FNL leadership have returned to Bujumbura, again, declaring their intention to talk about peace.

The report notes that "FNL leaders in exile in Tanzania want full immunity from prosecution and a share of government jobs. But this would require constitutional changes which the government - wracked by a parliamentary crisis - does not have the power to deliver."

No mention is made of the fact that granting of blanket immunity to Rwasa and his fellow indicted war criminals would be a violation of Burundi's obligations under international law to uphold victims' rights - or that giving government posts to unelected warlords would not simply be "unconstitutional" - it would effectively bring to an end Burundi's short experiment with electoral democracy.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7405552.stm


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